The Power Behind Javier Milei's Throne

As recently as last year, Argentina was trending towards the Sino-Russian bloc. With plans to join BRICS on January 1st, 2024 and on the path of complete integration into the Belt and Road Initiative, it seemed like a done deal.

In 2022, outgoing president Alberto Fernandez made public remarks while visiting Russia suggesting that he was seeking to become less dependent on Washington and the International Monetary Fund and ready to bring his country closer to Moscow. The prospect of a G20 nation and the second largest economy in Latin America rejecting Atlanticism (Argentina previously fought a full-scale war against the NATO-backed UK in 1982) led to a flurry of policy papers produced by the Department of Defense on the prospect of Argentina transforming into a bona fide geopolitical opponent in the Western Hemisphere.

Then, last October, Washington received a stunning and unexpected reversal of fortune: the presidential victory of Javier Milei. Overnight and without much effort, the Biden administration woke up to the most pro-Washington and pro-Zionist leader outside of the G7.

In his first two months in office, Milei has already managed a stunning turnabout in Argentinian government policy. Following his victory, Milei’s first trip was not to meet Joe Biden, but to trek to New York City, where he donned a yarmulke and visited the grave of Chabad Rabbi Menachem Schneerson. At his Buenos Aires inauguration, he embraced Ukraine’s Jewish dictator Volodymyr Zelenskyy over a Menorah. He reiterates his commitment to the state of Israel multiple times a day, while also volunteering full and unflinching support for every aspect of US foreign policy, including global crusades that objectively harm Argentina’s national interests. He has vetoed the country’s plan to join BRICS and the $120 billion dollars China has invested in building up Argentinian infrastructure for the Belt and Road Initiative is in jeopardy. Milei’s economic plan is to privatize all of Argentina’s state industries and natural resources and auction them off to New York-based asset management firms at deep discounts.

Leftists and some libertarians, operating on the premise of Cui Bono, have concluded that Milei must’ve been put into power by the CIA, the World Economic Forum, or the Federal Reserve. It’s true that the US government has in recent years sloppily executed multiple coups against Latin American leaders it perceives as potentially hostile to its economic or geopolitical interests, but there is no evidence it was significantly involved in the last Argentinian election. In fact, aside from moral support from a few largely impotent conservative figures like Ted Cruz and Tucker Carlson, Milei does not appear to have had many contacts in the world of US politics prior to getting elected.

At the same time, Milei does not hide who he does serve. As much as he may shout it from the rooftops, left-wing and polite-society libertarian’s refuse to account for the truth about Argentina’s new president: local Jewish figures in media and finance, with the help of associates in New York and Israel, took the initiative to radically change the country’s trajectory. Argentinian money power dropped this gift in the Biden administration’s lap out of self-interest.

The Sanhedrin Behind Milei

Javier Milei’s Mach 10 ascendency is on the surface miraculous. Milei, of Italian and Croatian ancestry, grew up the son of a bus driver and housewife in a humble home. Most of his life — a failed soccer career, being hired and fired from university jobs, and finally becoming a laughed-at-not-with television entertainer — has been a series of disappointments.

Throughout the 2010s, Milei gained a small fanbase for his outrageous column, which was syndicated in Zionist controlled newspapers (such as The Reporter, under editorship of Ariel Cohen). He was regularly featured as a panelist on political television shows produced by figures like Adrian Suar (born Adrian Schwartz), where Milei provided comic-relief as a foul-mouthed, childish, pugilistic name-caller that occasionally suffered on-air schizophrenic episodes, earning him the nickname “the crazy man.”

Upon entering politics in 2020 as part of a fringe libertarian party, which appears to have been funded by a Miami-based cocaine trafficker, Milei grew frustrated at the reality of his low electoral potential.

By 2021, he began making aggressive, cartoonish overtures to Buenos Aires’ Jews. His efforts paid off when he was able to establish a relationship with Rabbi Axel Wahnish in a meeting brokered by Julio Goldstein, head of the Integration and Development Movement (MID) party.

It is not known what exactly Milei and Rabbi Wahnish discussed in this closed-door encounter, but the man who at the time was broadly perceived as a mentally ill clown came away convinced that he would one day be leader of Argentina, according to Goldstein. Just a few months after establishing a relationship with Wahnish, he won a surprising 17% of the vote in the 2021 Buenos Aires Legislative Election.

Wahnish, who claims to have closely counseled Gentile Milei in his supposed desire to study the Torah, would turn out to be the key that opened the door to the wider organized Jewish community. After cultivating this connection, Milei was able to hobnob with Chabad Rabbi Tzvi Grunblatt, a figure closely linked with Argentina’s business elite and who has ties throughout multiple Western capitals.

Grunblatt introduced Milei to Eduardo Elzstain at the Llao Llao forum, a secretive meeting of Argentinian super-capitalists hosted every year by the yarmulke-wearing asset manager. Elzstain, who grew his fortune following a large capital transfer from George Soros, is today a real estate mogul commonly referred to as the “Owner of Argentina.” Powerful Jews quickly took a shine to Milei, which irritated more polished competing presidential prospects seeking to make a name for themselves at Llao Llao.

After winning Elzstain’s approval, Milei’s presidential campaign saw a surge of support from the billionaire Werthein family, the Brauns (particularly Sebastian Braun), and Daniel Sieleck, among other major players in Argentine-Jewry. They furnished Milei with money and non-stop positive media coverage on television channels they owned. These oligarchs also obtained for Milei the endorsement of Patricia Bullrich, a centrist who commanded 17% of the vote prior to the October runoff.

Elzstain outfitted Milei’s advisor, Santiago Caputo, with a state-of-the-art political machine that caught their archaic and complacent Peronist opponent, Sergio Massa, completely off-guard. Milei’s campaign was headquartered in the Elzstain-owned Hotel Libertador, a $450 dollar a night luxury hotel. Despite being sworn in and due to move to the country’s presidential residence in early December, Milei remained in Elzstain’s hotel, where he assembled his cabinet under the benefactor’s supervision, until little over a week ago.

The new president has appointed Dario Epstein, the chief architect of Argentina’s 1990s privatization spree that put the country on its path to ruin, as his top economic minister to oversee an even more radical financialization push. Members of the wealthy Jewish families that funded Milei, such as Ian Sieleck and Gerardo Werthein, have also been handed quid-pro-quo government positions. It is virtually guaranteed that no matter what happens to Argentina next, Elzstain will come out of it a much wealthier man.

Milei’s first foreign stop was to the world center of finance-capital, New York City — not Washington — where the Werthein family chartered a private jet so he could pay respects to some dead Rabbi. When we look at who put him in power, Milei’s priorities are sensible. As the American government declines in competency, expect groups of bankers and the Chabad Lubavitch to increasingly make major executive political decisions without bothering with interlocutors like Biden in order to keep Washington’s empire limping along.