On Loyalists and Nationalists In Northern Ireland

Earlier this week, footage of an African migrant brutally stabbing a defenseless disabled white man on the streets of Belfast went viral on social media. Stephen Ogilvie, likely a Protestant judging from his Scottish surname, was saved from further harm when a group of Catholic Gaels intervened to beat the Sudanese predator with a Hurling stick.

The incident was followed by an avalanche of internet outrage as well as a brief spurt of rioting targeting foreigners in Loyalist Protestant enclaves, with reports of minor Irish Republican participation.

Upon hearing the news, British and American conservatives have responded rather sympathetically to the Loyalists. But rather than focusing on advancing a conversation about mass immigration — the Sudanese migrant was naturalized by the very British Conservatives claiming to oppose immigration — the Anglosphere right are using Irish nationalist lack of participation in the Protestant riots as an opportunity to try and discredit the Irish cause on the grounds that it prefers foreigners to natives out of “third worldism” (aka anti-Zionism).

There are three reasons for why Sinn Fein and the IRA kept their distance from the tumult. The first is that Loyalism is not a “white nationalist” philosophy conducive to inter-ethnic solidarity, but rather an intensely concentrated form of Negative Ethnocentrism that virulently rejects all connections to the rest of the European family. The favorite slogan of Ulster’s radical “Billy-Boys” (named after the Jewish-funded Dutch conqueror of Britain, William of Orange) is “Nobody Likes Us And We Don’t Care.”

To be blunt, groups like the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and Ulster Defence Association (UDA) are an irregular force with a nonsensical political ideology, which is why they are as likely to burn down the house of a Polish woman and more likely to instigate riots against native Catholics than they are to target the more recent black or Arab migrants.

Protestant violence towards Catholics is an ongoing problem by no means relegated to the past. Just last year, the UDA embarked on a campaign to violently evict Irish Catholics from a mixed-residency community within walking distance of the recent stabbing. Every year, Ulstermen make a spectacle of burning the Irish flag, even though it symbolizes peace (white) between Protestants (orange) and Catholic Gaels (Green). Naturally, Irish nationalists have no interest in teaming up with groups that are placing them and their family members under a state of permanent physical and psychological siege.

The second factor for why the Irish stay away is that Ulster paramilitary groups have always been inextricably linked to the gay pedophile infested Judeo-British deep state.

Many observers have praised the Belfast rioters for their excellent operation security — solid coordination, masks, gloves, all black outfits and shutting down “citizen journalists” who create criminal liabilities. By contrast, the Southampton uprising in mother England, triggered by the murder of Henry Nowak, was makeshift, disorganized, and led to multiple arrests.

But there’s a catch. The gap in hooligan professionalization is due to Loyalist groups having generations of accumulated knowledge and training on how to operate illicitly provided by the British military and MI5, who keep them around in case Irish Catholics decide to stop playing the parliamentary game. According to one 2012 British parliamentary commission report, 85% of intelligence used by Protestant groups in terrorist attacks against Catholics came from MI5, the Royal Ulster Constabulary, and army intelligence. Underground Protestant groups enjoy a degree of tactical protection from the Northern Irish political establishment, primarily the DUP, that Englishmen in England do not get.

While some Loyalist organizing is independent and organic, British intelligence services have always kept them under control through a variety of nefarious tactics. For example, an inquiry into the Kincora Boys Home scandal found that MI5 operatives transformed a foster home for neglected Belfast children into a homosexual pedophile brothel. British intelligence agents photographed Unionist politicians and Loyalist commanders as they tortured and raped young boys. The compromised individuals were blackmailed by the UK’s security services and utilized as informants and GLADIO-style agents in the war against Irish nationalists.

Consequently, Irishmen who may sympathize with Loyalists on immigration see the latter’s corresponding balaclava groups as being widely compromised and entry points for infiltration.

The final reason for lack of Catholic participation in anti-immigrant activism (aside from Northern Ireland being 96% white) is, as critics won’t let you forget, Sinn Fein’s weakness on immigration.

This dilemma is rooted in the organization’s misguided long-term strategy for uniting Ireland.

Irish Republicanism is the plight of a small nation defending itself against a major power. For this reason, Irish nationalists have always courted allies abroad, from the Spanish in the 17th century to the German Nazis in the 1930s, to form broad fronts against Britain.

During the 1960s the IRA embraced Marxism-Leninism in an attempt to cultivate diplomatic and financial support from the Soviet Union for their mostly political, rather than armed, strategy. This was followed by a more ethnic nationalist, Catholic, and militaristic turn under the Provisional IRA in the 1970s, which received training, funding and weapons from Muhammar Qaddaffi’s Libya and Yasser Arafat’s Palestinian Liberation Organization.

By the 1980s and 90s, the Irish Republican movement had found itself alone in a unipolar, American-led world. To adapt, nationalists sought to lean into the large and politically active Irish-American diaspora. Gerry Adams, president of Sinn Fein from 1983 to 2018, once declared that “Irish-Americans hold the key to a united Ireland.”

Irish-Americans are generally assimilated Americans affiliated to the Democratic Party machine, in large part due to their disproportionate involvement with organized labor and public sector work. The Irish nationalist movement’s overdependence on funding from the US and political access to the Democratic party in hopes of achieving leverage over the United Kingdom has forced their leaders to align themselves with some of the toxic “woke” politics of the Judeo-American left. The Irish left is notorious for indulging imported and astroturfed Sorosite Yank fads such as “Black Lives Matter,” “Trans Rights,” and a localized version of “Abolish ICE.”

In addition to this, left-wing nationalists have also embraced the European Union as both a way to make Ireland wealthy and a cudgel to use against the post-Brexit UK. But there are signs that Sinn Fein is starting to reconsider its support for Brussels’ totalizing influence. The party is distinguishing itself by firmly opposing the new EU migration pact that obligates Ireland to re-settle non-Europeans in its territory. As multi-polarity becomes a reality, small nations like Ireland have an opportunity to forge ties to new sovereignist powers like Russia and China, and leverage their geopolitical location to play off all the superpowers against one another to get the best deal possible.

Most of Sinn Fein’s right-wing opponents inside of Ireland are not any better. Figures like Connor McGregor and Herrmann Kelly are Trump-grifters and Zionist assets. Jeffrey Epstein’s right-hand man, Steve Bannon, has been trying to export American Right-Wingism to Ireland for a few years now, but has largely failed. This is not because Irish people are disinterested in nativist nationalism — polls show Irishmen want to stop immigration — but instead because Jewish-American Finklethink is perceived as stupid, immoral, or a foreign influence operation by the man on the street.

For this reason, right-wingers in both Britain and America flip-flop between sympathy for Irish nationalists, who they see militantly opposing immigration in the streets of the Republic, to spite when Irish people choose to boycott Israel or roll their eyes at populist scammers in “Make Ireland Great Again” hats.

Out of this love-hate relationship emerges the phenomenon of attempting to draw support for the Israel-worshipping Belfast Protestant cause from the global right-wing.

This is doomed to fail. Ultimately, institutions that British Loyalists claim to be fighting for, such as the Presbyterian Church, are rabidly pro-migration and active in re-settling refugees in Northern Ireland. King Charles III, whose crown Loyalists pledge to defend to the death, is an outspoken anti-white libtard. As for the British state, not only is it a proven enemy of the entirety of the white race, it treats its Protestant subjects in Northern Ireland with special disdain. Protestant areas regularly rank among the most economically deprived and least educated in the entire United Kingdom.

In other words, Ulstermen — descendants of Northern Englishmen and Lowland Scots sent to ethnically cleanse Irish Catholics — are stranded on an island with no sign that help from London is coming. This could of course change as the Jewish-controlled British and American governments search for ways to punish the anti-Israel Irish. But for now, Loyalism is a sunken cost fallacy grounded on spooky stories about modern Ireland, such as the belief that Gaels in Dublin are waiting for them with a guard of IRA men who will force them to bow before Pope Leo or make them forget English and speak Gaelic instead.

There’s no doubt that Sinn Fein has been very misguided on migration questions in recent years, but to use this to try and exacerbate local sectarian conflict is foul. We all hope that one day the orange and the green can put their differences aside to unite as brothers in white against the Washington, London, and Brussels facilitated Great Replacement. But let that dream come true in a united Ireland.